Khawaja Asif, Pakistan’s defense minister, categorically refuted rumors that Islamabad had reached an agreement to buy China’s cutting-edge J-35A stealth fighter fighters, calling the rumor “media hype” intended to increase Chinese defense sales. This emphatic refusal coincides with circulating rumors that, by 2026, Pakistan would purchase 40 of China’s fifth-generation stealth fighters, making it the first foreign operator of the aircraft.
Defense Minister Khawaja Asif was adamant in rejecting the rumored acquisition in a televised interview with Arab News. “You know, I believe it’s only in the media. He implied that the reports were driven more by business than by actuality, saying, “It’s only in the media and it’s good for sales, Chinese defense sales.” This is Pakistan’s defense establishment’s first high-level official response to months of rumors that had garnered a lot of attention from foreign media.
Defense Minister Khawaja Asif was adamant in rejecting the rumored acquisition in a televised interview with Arab News. “You know, I believe it’s only in the media. He implied that the reports were driven more by business than by actuality, saying, “It’s only in the media and it’s good for sales, Chinese defense sales.” This is Pakistan’s defense establishment’s first high-level official response to months of rumors that had garnered a lot of attention from foreign media.
Following the aircraft’s high-profile debut at the Zhuhai Air Show in November of 2024, rumors of a Pakistan-China J-35A agreement began to circulate widely. In order to replace the outdated American F-16s and French Mirage fighters, the Pakistan Air Force had approved the purchase of 40 jets, with deliveries anticipated within two years, according to the initial report from Pakistani station 24 News HD.
By claiming on its official social media account that Beijing had offered “40 fifth-generation Shenyang J-35 stealth aircraft, Shaanxi KJ-500 Airborne Early Warning and Control (AEW&C), and HQ-19 air defense systems,” Pakistan’s government seemed to validate China’s offer, which heightened the rumors. Citing high-level diplomatic and military talks between the two countries, a number of sites, notably Defence Security Asia, asserted that China was expediting delivery to as early as August 2025.
Additionally, it was reported that China had made a significant offer to Pakistan, possibly cutting the price of the jets in half as part of what some called a “flash sale” to make Pakistan the first export buyer of the J-35A. This purported 50% reduction attracted a lot of attention and criticism in China, with some analysts wondering why Beijing would give such large discounts to a financially challenged ally with outstanding defense debt.
With 81% of Pakistan’s weaponry imports coming from China between 2020 and 2024, the two countries have one of the most extensive military alliances in the world. This reliance is a reflection of common strategic goals to strengthen bilateral cooperation under programs such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and offset India’s regional influence.
The JF-17 Thunder, a lightweight multirole fighter that was jointly produced by both countries, and the J-10C, a 4.5-generation fighter purchased in 2022 to complement India’s Rafale fighters, are examples of prior noteworthy acquisitions. Pakistan’s aviation capabilities have been significantly improved by these acquisitions; the J-10C is said to have performed well amid recent tensions with India, especially during Operation Sindoor in May 2025.
In addition to airplanes, China is Pakistan’s main source of missile technology, air defense systems, and naval vessels. Pakistan is China’s largest defense buyer worldwide, consuming 63% of China’s total arms exports between 2020 and 2024, according to SIPRI data.
Notwithstanding Asif’s denial, the J-35A rumors’ wider ramifications highlight South Asia’s escalating arms competition. India’s conventional military dominance is directly challenged by Pakistan’s persistent military modernization initiatives, which are aided by transfers of Chinese technology. The possible purchase of stealth fighters would drastically shift the balance of power in the region, especially since India won’t have access to similar technology until its Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft is operational in 2035.
India has accelerated its own stealth fighter program and is looking into forming alliances with Western manufacturers in response to these developments. India’s AMCA stealth fighter concept was approved in May 2025 in direct reaction to perceived threats from Pakistani capabilities supplied by China. The larger pattern of action-reaction cycles that define South Asian military competition is reflected in this dynamic.
Beyond the bilateral tensions between India and Pakistan, the regional ramifications also include the larger strategic rivalry between the United States and China. The United States’ attempts to retain influence in South Asia are made more difficult by Pakistan’s increasing reliance on Chinese military technology, especially as Washington strengthens its strategic alliance with India.
Asif’s rejection of the J-35A sale can also be a reflection of Pakistan’s difficult economic situation, which limits significant defense purchases in spite of strategic needs. Pakistan has reduced development programs and lowered the overall national budget by 7%, while increasing its defense budget by 20% to $9 billion. Pakistan is unable to pursue costly platforms like the J-35A, which would require an investment of several billions of dollars, because to these financial constraints.
Asif’s denial was made at a time when Pakistan is working to broaden its defense alliances, including recent high-level military meetings with the US. The July 2025 visit to Washington by Pakistan Air Force head Zaheer Ahmed Baber Sidhu, the first by a PAF head in more than ten years, indicates Islamabad’s intention to rebalance its relationship with China by reestablishing contact with the United States.
Asif’s rejection may temporarily allay rumors of a potential J-35A deal, but it does not rule out Pakistan’s desire to upgrade its air force with cutting-edge stealth capabilities in the future. Pressure is mounting on the Pakistan Air Force to keep up with India’s growing technological prowess, which includes more Rafale purchases and Su-30MKI upgrades.
The defense minister’s cautious language, which refers to the rumors as “media hype” instead of outright dismissing any further talks, raises the possibility that talks will go on behind closed doors. Regardless of the extent of China-Pakistan defense cooperation, defense professionals point out that acquisitions of this size usually necessitate lengthy discussions.
China’s persistent silence over the purported agreement keeps the J-35A in the public eye while preserving strategic ambiguity. This strategy, which is typical of Chinese defense exports, enables Beijing to assess market demand without committing to certain dates or conditions.
The possibility of Chinese stealth jets operating in South Asia is a major geopolitical worry for the US, especially as Washington aims to preserve its technological lead and regional clout. Beijing’s reputation as an arms provider has already been improved by the effective use of Chinese weapons during Operation Sindoor, which may draw in more clients looking for alternatives to Western platforms.
In a time of great power competition, where nations like Pakistan retain intricate ties with several big powers based more on shifting strategic interests than ideological alignment, the changing dynamics also highlight the shortcomings of old alliance arrangements.
More than just a straightforward denial of media claims, Defense Minister Khawaja Asif’s rejection of the J-35A sale illustrates the intricate relationship between regional security dynamics, economic limitations, and strategic aspirations that define modern South Asian geopolitics.
Although the immediate chances of acquiring a J-35A may have decreased, the fundamental factors that sparked the conjecture—China’s aspirations to export, Pakistan’s requirement for sophisticated aviation capabilities, and the escalating regional arms race—have not changed. The final outcome of this dispute will have a big impact on how military competition develops in one of the most dangerous and strategically significant areas of the planet.
